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THE ROUTE TO DIVERSITY

THE ROUTE TO DIVERSITY

Scenes from Wesleyan classrooms.

Photo from the Hewlett Diversity Archive

From Personal Experience:

Edward “Mick” Rudd ’66 spent the summer of 1964 as a volunteer with the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). The owner of Shank Painter Co., Inc., a graphic design business in Provincetown, Massachusetts, he is also president of the Cape Cod Lighthouse Charter School, the middle school his daughter attended.

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 have a recurring memory of a summer night between my junior and senior years at Wesleyan when I was a civil rights worker in rural Mississippi. Stokely Carmichael was driving me back from a ‘mass meeting’ with the ‘peoples’. We had ended the rally on an evangelical note, singing spirituals and rendering our difficult anthem, “We Shall Overcome,” with unwonted harmony, belying for the moment the vast social schisms between us.

 Now it was late on an unlit two-lane country road. On the seat between us lay Stokely’s comical chrome-plated .22-caliber pistol. It looked exactly like the cap gun I had brandished in childhood to subdue renegade Indians. The road ahead was blocked by a wrecked car. In its wall-eyed headlights were the cow it had hit and its driver, a small agitated man whom we recognized as our local organizer from the night’s meeting. The cow was dying noisily; steam was rising from its hide and its leg bone was poking through a gaping wound. It was clearly in agony. Stokely offered to shoot the cow in the head. The Mississippian  placed a trembling hand over the gun. The dead cow, he explained, would be connected to his damaged car. But a bullet hole in the carcass would mean he also had a gun, which we all understood would be a direct affront to the local white supremacy. Stokely and I drove on; the cow would have to die in its own time.

 Among my memories of Wesleyan that scene remains incongruous even after 35 years and history’s blessing upon the collegiate civil rights movement. What was I doing in Mississippi that summer? And what was so important in Alabama the following year that I took a semester off from school? I can remember sitting in class, looking out on the monastic campus on a soft spring afternoon in 1965. A sultry, upwelling breeze ruffled the edges of the campus panorama. In my fevered mind it was the calm before the storm. It was utterly impossible to concentrate. My girlfriend from Mary Washington College had just called from some hick town in Virginia. She needed $100 for bail, something she dare not ask her parents. I had the unbearable feeling that history was being made and I wasn’t there to be part of it. 

 It was the ’60s when late-breaking history was just becoming ubiquitous and accessible. And “relevant.” At the time I was only kidding myself if I thought the “movement” was relevant to my education. It was, in retrospect, merely relevant to me, an unsteady scholar whose education thus far had only served to protract his adolescence and innocence. 

 But I was lucky. The men who governed my fate at Wesleyan saw my wanderlust for what it really was—not necessarily relevant to my education but certainly part of it.

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An Arrest and an Injunction

After the occupation of Fisk Hall and before the establishment of the AAI, life on the campus continued its pendulum swing from stability to crisis.

 In April of 1969, six black undergraduates drove to San Francisco carrying firearms, which they hoped to donate to the Black Panthers. They were apprehended and arrested, charged with robbery and possession of drugs and illegal weapons. In the car they had a shotgun and sixteen handguns, some of which had apparently been stolen from a store in Portland, Conn. Once they were identified as Wesleyan students and the University was notified, Etherington contacted William Coleman, a prominent black lawyer in San Francisco, who defended them. The president contributed personally to, and solicited faculty and administrators for, funds for the young men's legal fees and bail.

According to Alford Young, when Campbell was asked why the University moved to help these students, he replied: "We had to acknowledge that part of the reason they were in some of the situations in which they found themselves was because they had been at Wesleyan. We wanted to see that our students were treated fairly."

 During the fall of '69, Beckham moved into North College, becoming associate provost for Division I, with a portfolio that also covered AAI, Upward Bound, programs like TOPS, and anything related to Wesleyan's efforts toward diversity. In 1973 he was named dean of the college, a position in which he remained for seventeen years.

 Beckham's significant presence was much needed in that autumn of 1969, a season that Campbell referred to recently as the "the nadir of race relations on the campus." The rhetoric of confrontation escalated dramatically. There were incidents at the president's house and at least one at the Campbells' house. The Kirkpatricks and Campbells lived on Mt. Vernon Street, literally around the corner from the president's house; "It was very easy for wrought-up students to annoy all three households in one night," said Kirkpatrick.

 This already tense atmosphere was exacerbated by a continuing barrage of angry letters in the Argus concerning an altercation between two black students and a white student, which led eventually to the suspension of one of the black students and expulsion of the other.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The black student population mounted a vigorous protest, demanding that the suspended student be reinstated, and that the AAS be given sole jurisdiction over its members because black students could not get a fair hearing before the Student Judicial Board. The president rejected the demands, but indicated a willingness to discuss the matter and possibly lift the suspension.

 That was where the situation stood on November 7, Homecoming Weekend. There were intimations that the game next day would be disrupted. The next morning, the Middletown Police Department reported to the University that it had been informed of a potential attack on the president, possibly at the Saturday football game, and suggested that he accept guards--which he did not.

The University secured a court injunction to block potential disorders, which was served at the Malcolm X House by the sheriff and the dean. The dean also delivered a message from the president urging house residents not to act precipitously.

On Saturday morning, Etherington called a 7:30 meeting with Coach Don Russell, senior officers of the University, and one of the referees. The Williams coach was unable to attend. Etherington announced that if demonstrators took over the field and prevented play, Wesleyan was prepared to forfeit the game. Don Russell agreed; the referee said he understood.

"There was a huge crowd at the game," Colin Campbell recalled recently. "And we had an undefeated team in a deep rivalry--elements that could lead to bad behavior at the best of times."

Instead of sitting in his usual place in the stands, Etherington watched from the second floor of Fayerweather gymnasium; extra police remained on standby throughout the day, and a party scheduled for McConaughy that evening was canceled.

As the game proceeded, administrators granted permission for students to use the microphone at half-time. Bernard Freamon '69 addressed the crowd in strong but unthreatening terms; the game proceeded and Wesleyan won it 18-17.

 The injunction was lifted the next day, and based on a report from Beckham and then-Associate Professor of Psychology Karl Scheibe, Etherington lifted the suspension.

After the game, Campbell and Chancellor Richard Ohmann were taking stock of the day in Ohmann's office in North College; Nancy Campbell was waiting for her husband down the hall. A small group of black students came into the hallway. "They marched in looking grim," said Colin Campbell, "but one of them, Tony Wheeldin '71, said 'Don't worry, Mrs. Campbell, we're only the social committee."

 "I took them into my office," Colin Campbell recalls. "They told me that because we had called off the all-campus dance, they believed, looking ahead, that there would be some reconciling and healing to do. They wanted to hold an all-campus gathering right after Thanksgiving, and asked me if the administration would support it financially. I said, 'You bet we will!'"

 Students also approached President Etherington on the same subject. He recalls, "It was a carefully studied decision, because the student government did not want to finance the event."

"Much like the Fisk Hall events of six months earlier," says Campbell, "this was a reaffirmation of what I always felt was underlying goodwill in our relations with these undergraduates. I've always felt that getting through these events--which kept going on into the '70s--was made possible by that goodwill."

 An earlier experience has also stayed with him, one that "involved a group of black students who wanted to follow up on some demands by a very late-night visit to our house on Mt. Vernon Street. Doorbell rings. I'm in bed, Nancy's in bed. We come downstairs. I had on a bathrobe and--I don't remember the pattern of the undershorts. Bill Boulware was the last in line of the group that filed in; very serious expressions. As he passed me, he said quietly,'I like your shorts.'

"These moments are indelibly printed on my mind because they were messages. Maybe they weren't intended as such, but that's what I sure took them to be. Messages that said: 'Look, we have really serious issues to address with you folks, but we will address them verbally. We will talk. This is not intended to harm the institution, but it has to be done.'

 "That message was sent and received over and over through months of debate and confrontation."