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Founded as a men's college in 1831, Wesleyan may be unique
in its first round of coeducation, which began when women were first
admitted in 1872 and ended when this policy was rescinded in 1909.
According to David B. Potts' Wesleyan University, 1831-1910 (Yale, 1992),
the 1872 decision to admit women stemmed from Wesleyan's identity as a
Methodist institution. In accordance with "Methodism's well established
practice of educating young men and women together" (p. 101), this decision
also reflected the efforts of five important trustees, most importantly
Orange Judd, for whom Judd Hall is named. By the 1860s and 1870s Methodism
had begun to consider ordaining women as ministers, and newly established
Methodist institutions like Boston University, Syracuse University, and
Vanderbilt University were, from the start, founded as coeducational
institutions at around this time. It was thus logical to consider
coeducating Wesleyan, as well. A second important impetus lay in proposals
to coeducate at seven New England institutions, all of which were initiated
in 1871. Though not formally coordinated, these were somewhat interrelated,
and all owed something to the women's suffrage movement of the early 1870s.
For example Henry Ward Beecher, a figure in that movement, proposed
coeducation to Amherst's trustees in 1871, but his proposal was turned down.
Wesleyan's first women were the four female members of the class of 1872:
Jennie Larned, Phebe Almeda Stone, Angie Villette Warren, and Hannah Ada
Taylor (see picture). A brave and mutually supporting group, these women
faced formidable problems, among them that the college provided no campus
housing for women until 1889, and rooms elsewhere in Middletown were not
initially available to women. Yet all four were outstanding students. They
not only graduated on schedule but received highest academic honors. From
1872 until 1892, women remained a tiny minority of the undergraduate
community. In all only forty-three women were graduated between those years.
Many of their male fellow students received them cordially, but the overall
climate was far from welcoming; and most male undergraduates claimed that
the women "though with us are not of us." (p. 104) Upon graduating, most
followed the mores of the time which forced women to choose between marriage
and a career. Of the forty-three who graduated, twenty-three did not marry
and went into careers, usually in teaching. The other twenty married, and
most stayed at home.
The shift away from coeducation was sparked by a change in the leadership
of the trustees. Trustee Stephen Henry Olin (son of President Stephen Olin,
1842-51) was the leading spirit behind Wesleyan's progress away from
Methodism and its redefininiton as a metropolitan-based university, with
heavy emphasis on athletics. This shift would align Wesleyan more closely
with the values of Amherst, Williams, Yale and all-male institutions.
Somewhat contradictorily, however, women's admissions were increased in
1898, and male admissions decreased accordingly. This development fueled the
fears of those who held that women's presence at Wesleyan was curtailing
opportunities for males.
Potts' history emphasizes the growing signs of discrimination against
women in the wake of these developments. Student publications soon began to
exclude women, and women's names and organizations were not entered into
Wesleyan's yearbook after 1898. Women were neither allowed into the new
gymnasium, to which they had contributed, nor allowed to sit with the senior
men at commencement during these years. Some of these negative developments
might have eventuated in a separate women's college within the university,
on the order of Pembroke College at Brown; but the net effect was
discriminatory when that movement failed to get off the ground. Still worse
must have been the more informal types of discrimination, which included
verbal harassment and graffiti. Nevertheless, women made a comfortable home
for themselves in Webb Hall, their new dormitory at the site of the current
power plant, which Wesleyan acquired in 1889; and they developed a rich
literary and social culture that reached out to alumni, as well as
undergraduates.
The first decade of the twentieth century dealt coeducation its final
blow. The lead cause was a decline in Wesleyan's overall admissions, which
most blamed on fears that the school had become too feminized and might
follow the sorry example of Boston University, where the undergraduate
population was dominated by women. Starting in 1900, the admission of women
was capped at 20%, but this measure never fully reassured coeducation's
enemies. The trustees' decision to end coeducation in 1909 can be seen in
retrospect as a nearly inevitable culmination of tendencies that had been
set in motion long before that time. It was hailed in student publications,
one of which asserted:"The Barnacle is at last to be scraped from the keel
of the good ship Wesleyan!" (p. 219) Last-ditch efforts to found a separate
college for women gained momentum in 1907, but they failed to generate the
necessary revenue, and the effort was abandoned before long. Under the
leadership of Elizabeth C. Wright, '97, a committee was formed to consider
other options. This effort eventuated in the founding of Connecticut College
for Women, which opened in New London, CT, in 1915 |